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F:nioT0RI6 FflRflLLEU 



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10 

BEING A 



n COMPILATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF HISTORIC 
- FACTS, TO DEMONSTRATE THAT THE 

POLITICAL HISTORY 

'1 OF THE 



UNITED STATES IS MOVING IN A CYCLE OF FORTY 
YEARS, SO THAT DEDUCTIONS MAY BE MADE 
THEREFROM, TO DETERMINE THE FU- 
TURE CONTINUATION OF THE 
PARALLEL, UNTIL THE 

TERn OF THE CYCLE EXPIRES, 



MEIVJRY IM. ROUSI 



1861 MIH 1901 



F»RICE, Single Copy, TEN CENTS. 

'J TOLEDO, O: 

Batch & Harris, Book and Job Printers, 
rv 1893. Uj 



HISTORIC PflRflLLEU 

BEING A 

COMPILATION AND ARRANGEMENT OF HISTORIC 
FACTS, TO DEMONSTRATE THAT THE 

POLITICAL HISTORY 



UNITED STATES IS MOVING IN A CYCLE OF FORTY 

YEARS, SO THAT DEDUCTIONS MAY BE MADE 

THEREFROM, TO DETERMINE THE FU- 

^ TURE CONTINUATION OF THE 

PARALLEL, UNTIL THE 

TERH OF THE CYCLE EXPIRES, 




>v7v-ry 



PRICE, Single Copy, XEIM CENTS. 

TOLEDO, O: 

Batch <fe Harris, Book and Job Printers, 

1893. 

I 



■6' 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1893, 
By. Henry N. Rouse, 
In the office of the Librarian of Congress, at 
Washington, D. O. 



CONTENTS. 



Immutability of the laws of nature. — Man's intellectual 
being subject to the same. — INIan's freedom to think, to act, 
a subject of doubt. — Our political history moving- in perfect 
a3cord with a previous Cycle of 40 years. — Parallels exist- 
ing in the life and death of Clay and Blaine — in the Presi- 
dential succession — in the issue of Slavery and Romanism — 
in their claims to divine Authority — in the all absorbing de- 
sire to rule — in the means used to extend its rule — the ob- 
jects aimed at — in the necessity for such action — in line sep- 
arating church and state and that of the Missouri com- 
promise — in the attitude of political parties. — The labor 
question discussed, its importance. The tariff no longer a 
dominant issue. — Another democratic administration to fol- 
low Cleveland's — civil war inevitable in 1901. 



THE HISTORIC PflRflLL&L 



One equivalent of sulphur, combines with three equival- 
ents of oxyg"en, to form sulphuric acid, and it matters not 
when or where this combination takes place, the result is 
invariably the same. We shall offer an array of historic 
facts, which we think undisputably prove, that the political 
concerns of this republic are controlled by laws equally in 
variable in their results. The only necessary qualification 
being-, that conditions in each and every case shall be posi- 
tively similar. There are many reasons for believing- that 
man's intellectual, as well as his physical being", acts only 
in consonance with fixed immutable principles of nature. 
We feel that we are wholly free to think, to act; but are we, 
reallj^ doing- more than obeying- the impulses of nature's un- 
iversal law of attraction and repulsion. Certain it is, that 
one is attracted by the very thing- that may repel another, 
one may be induced to do what another is equally decided 
not to do. It is evident, if conditions were similar, that is, 
if we were of one mould in quality and quantity, we would 
all act and think alike. Our aim in this lecture is to dis- 
cover those conditions in our past history which have par- 
ailed each other, by the aid of which we may gain a g-limps 
into the future, for such is by no means improbable, as yon 
may see. 

Take for instance the public life and services of Henry 
Clay, whether in parliamentary debates where the position 
of parties, and the fate of measures were concerned, or 
whether occupied in those matchless efforts when listening* 
Senators were swayed, and multitudes moved, or in advanc- 
ing- the doctrine ef protection, or of internal improvements, 
we find him foremost as a leader and an idol oi his party. 
All these in each and every essential particular, which as a 
force, affects the onward march of this g-overnment. finds its 
counterpart in James G. Blaine: not only this, but as if to 
furnish a clue to the number of years constituting- our cycle, 
we find that precisely' -40 j-ears elapse before the environ- 
ment is such as to produce a corresponding- result. Thus the 
Alabama letter of Clay, proper enough in and of itself, and 



— 6— 

iu no way reflecting' upon him as a man, was a potent factor 
in his defeat to the presidency in 1844, in as much as it 
caused a division of his party. So too were the Mialleg-an 
letters in the defeat of Elaine in 1S84. Clay was nominated 
for President in 1844. but defeated. James G. Blaine was 
nominated for President in 1884, just 40 years after, hut de- 
feated. Clay sought the nomination again in 1848 but failed 
to obtain it owing to rivalry in his party. So again Blaine 
seeks it in 1888 but fails owing to a similar cause. Clay 
died in 1852, Blaine in 1893. One of the distinctive forces of 
which Clay was an embodiment was the principal of protec- 
tion to our industries. This issue has plaj-ed a more or less 
import part as a force, since the foundation of the Republic, 
but it is interesting to observe its coiirse, corresponding 
with other forces common to a general condition of peace: 
as during Clay's career, it quickly glides to a secondary 
place on the assembling of forces in preparation for war. 
Thus in 1863 we observe it quietly hying to the back- 
ground, to come forth again only after the war has made its 
peaceful services needful in raising- revenue. So too, we 
we may look for his 40th year retreat in JS03, only to come 
forth after 1900. It may be our theosophical friends are 
right after all, and that it, with the other combination of 
forces, operating in their several spheres, merely retire to 
Nirvana, to be reincarnated after the period of 40 j^ears: 
and observe the same principle operating' in the protest 
against the extension of slaver3\ Its first check, in a na- 
tional sense, was effected in the compromise measure of 
1820 which forever forbade slavery and involuntary servi- 
tude North of latitude 3Go 30'. So, not only the further ex- 
tension of slavery, but the institution itself found its perpet- 
ual repose just 40 j^ears afterward in 1860. 

And still again, the first protest, in a national sense, 
against tl^c encrouchments of Rome, was in 1856 and 1860. 
You maj'^ confidently expect her to reach an alarming prox- 
imity' to defeat in 1896, owing to the ominous reduction of the 
democratic majority, as compared with that of 1892, while 
in 1900 the scale is turned and complete defeat follows. 
But we have been firing, as it were, at long range, from 
birth to dissolution. We will now examine with more 
specific detail this ever changing' impulse of evolution. Be- 
fore doing so however, we promise 3'ou, dear reader not to 



task yonr patience in a bewildering- analytical dig-est, but 
shall continue as we have thus for gone, by confining' our- 
selves to g'eneral, rather than specific analysis. 

In the year 1840 ^Yilliam Henry Harrison ("Whig) was 
elected President, dying in olfice a few months after his in- 
auguration. History informs us. his death was hastened no 
doubt, by the annoyances of office seekers. Having no con- 
test with history we give it the benefit of the doubt and 
allow the cause as stated to stand. There were many how- 
ever, who were active in political affairs at that time who 
believed there was a cause more potent than mere importun- 
ity from would-be oftice holders. Fortj^ years from this 
time, or in ISSO James A. Garfield was elected President, 
djdng in office a few months after his inaugeration. from 
the effect of a XDistol shot in the hand of one who thus 
thoug'ht to produce harmony between rival factors of his 
own party. 

In 1544 the conditions change and Jas. K. Polk (Dem.) 
is elected to the same office. 40 years elapse, and we have in 
1884 a Democrat again filling' the office in the person of 
Grover Cleveland (first term.) In 1848, Gen'l Zach Taylor 
(Whig-) is called to preside. Following the 40 year idea, the 
conditions and environment again become similar and Gen'l 
Benj. Harrison becomes President. Gen'l Taylor like Wm. 
Henry Harrison died in office, and to complete the parallel 
Ge'l Harrison would have met a similar fate. But since the 
law governing' in these cases is no respecter of persons, we 
are forced to conclude that the aim of the law was better 
subserved in the death of Mrs. Harrison than in that of her 
husband. 

In 18.52 Franklin Pierce (Dem.) was elected by a very 
large majority-, carrying- 27 out of 31 states and receiving- 254 
electoral votes to 42 for his competitor Gen'l Scott. In 1892, 
just 40 years after, Grover Cleveland (Dem.) is elected by a 
majority singularly paralleling that of Pierce. Now in each 
and every instance named, not only the Presidential nomi- 
nees were parallel, but the majorities in the Congressional 
delegations ke,pt company with them, and there are so many 
minor incidents siirrounding- the many contests, each keep- 
ing exact pace in the march of its predecessor, that the con- 
clusion is forced upon us that this is not chance at least, 
whatever it may be. 



"We now ask your attention for a few moments, to an 
examination of the conditions present, and surrounding- the 
issues which appear t© so closely and positively parallel 
each other. And if we succeed in finding* the conditions, 
(by which we mean the objects, motives, aims and means 
used to promote these ends and aims, as also its opposite or 
the means used to resist the consumnation or enforcement 
of the former) to be positively similar, the results must be 
as inevitably similar as in the chemical formula named in 
our opening-. Now we shall endeavor to show you, by an 
array of facts which are common property, known to all, 
and which require no hair splitting- distinction to render 
them easily understood. We first take up the general char- 
acteristics of the two systems, Romanism and American 
Slavery. 

The first and foremost feature of the Slave Olig-archy 
was its intense desire for power: to rule was her accepted 
motto, and it must be confessed they succeeded in doing- so 
for a g-reat-many years, but at last staked their all and lost. 
Have w^e a parallel in the Roman Hierarchy? at first g-lance 
we are let to exclaim, there appears to be little of it but 
power, robbed of its power, and it is verj- doubtful if it 
could hold its own with protestant demoninations. Will it, 
like the slave power risk all and lose? 

It w^as claimed by the advocate of slavery that it w-as a 
divine institution, that the rig-ht to hold, to sell, to dictate 
to the blackman what he should and should not do, was a 
rig-ht so sacred, that the power to circumscribe it did not 
lie in human hands, and they arrog-antly demanded laws for 
the protection of that rig-ht, w^here ever the}^ chose to g-o with 
their human chattels. They were met by a general denial 
from their oj)ponents, not onlj^ did they deny that the insti- 
tution was of divine orig-in, but claimed on the other hand 
that it was simply a creature of legislative enactment, that 
the normal condition was freedom, and to have a condition 
of slavery it must be made such, by positive enactment. 
How near to this, do we find a parallel in the claims of the 
Roman Heirarch3\ We are comparativelj- safe in saying 
she claims to be of divine origin. Is this denied by her op- 
penants? We shall see. Shorn of her claim that the Pope 
is Christ's Vicar General, and is the true and only head of 
the universal church throughout the earth, and that by vir- 



tue of the keys of binding and loosing", given to his holiness 
by Jesus Christ, he has power to depose Heretical Kings, 
Princes, States, Commonwealths and Governments. All be- 
ing illegal without his sacred confirmation and may safely 
be destroj^ed. All of which is denied by her opponents, as 
being of divine authorship, shorn of her claim for authority, 
to pronounce jiidgment upon Protestantism as being damn- 
able, and those to be damned who will not forsake the same, 
the divine authorship of which is denied bj^ her opponents. 
Shorn of her claiin as having- a monoply on the teaching- of 
morality, the divine authorship of which is denied by her 
opponents. Shorn of her claim to possess the power to 
bind and loose the soul of man (which is slavery in the con- 
crete) the divine authorship of w^hich is denied by her oppon- 
ents, and we have left a mere fragment of Protestantism. But 
since Rome herself, pronounces that damnable, we have 
simply left what the opponents of the institution of slavery 
claimed it to be, merely a creature of leg'islative enactments, 
in otRer words the result of Pontificial decrees and political 
conventions, called Councils. 

We next invite your attention to another singular par- 
allel. We refer to the line so definitely outlined by the 
Constitution and Declaration of Independence as an impas- 
sible barrier between ecclesiasticism and the civil power of 
this Republic, and the barrier between slave and free ter- 
ritory known as the INIissouri compromise line, running 
West but South of the then territories of Kansas and Ne- 
braska, the repeal of which was effected by the Congress of 
1853 (corresponding' with the coming Congress of 1893,) 
and which was the direct cause of the agitation which fol- 
lowed, ending" in war in 1861. 

Here was a compact, as sacred as a compact could be 
formed between man and man, settling as was supposed for 
all time, the question of the extension of slavery, and the 
same had been looked upon by a very large majoritj^ of the 
people as an exceedingly wise piece of legislation. But un- 
known to the people at large, there had been an element 
at work for years, but so cunningly did they cover their 
tracks and designs, the people were perfecth' astonished, 
when within 30 daj's of the convening of Cong'ress in 1853, a 
bill was introduced to break down this ancient barrier, 
which had been the means of bringing" so much peace and 



—10— 

contentment for more than a g-eneration. But it was far 
from contentment that the friends of slavery has been view- 
ing- it for a long- time. They had been accustomed to wield- 
ing- a controlling- power in this country for a great many 
years. But what they were unconscious of in 1820. they 
now saw in all its intensity, that thej^ were g-radually, but 
surely losing- their grasp. That this bill which forbade the 
introduction of slavery North of that line, was positively 
working- to their disadvantage. That owing- to the rapid 
development of the co^^ntry North of the line, there was 
growing in Congress a representation adverse to their ideas. 
So, true to the instincts of such a power, they find the means 
to compass its defeat: and then their Jesuitical cunning and 
meanness come in by the cry, don't agitate, don't agitate, 
thereby seeking, and to quite an extent succeeding in throw- 
ing the odium of the crime on those, who seeing the danger 
our vast unoccupied territory was now subject to. set up a 
vigorous appeal in defense of these rights, which were now 
being ruthlessly trampled upon. 

We now pass to an examination of the other line — 
strange, isn't it, that there should be a line at all ? its only 
an evidence of our position, that like conditions, like en- 
vironments, bring forth like results every time. The line 
which we are about to examine differs, however, from the 
former in one particular. The former was an imaginary 
line drawn on a given parallel of latitude, while the latter 
is one of barbed wire, and our friends of mugwumpian ten- 
dencies will find little consolation in loitering upon it. We 
confess to having a good deal of respect for one who has the 
courag-e of his convictions. We have ever felt to extend the 
hand of fellowship to those who go forth to battle for what 
they believe to be right, but for him who loiters in the rear, 
keeping out of harms reach and fearing to reveal his con- 
victions that he may add a few miserable dollars to his al- 
ready plethoric purse, we have nothing but supreme con- 
tempt. 

Since the constitution of our country is more particular- 
h' the outward, expi-essions of those invaluable and price- 
less principles enunciated in our Declaration of Indepen- 
dence we shall consider more especially, the latter and be- 
fore commencing that pleasing task I wish to refer to a 
single fact which, when properly understood, will enable us 



all, I think to more fully appreciate the beauty and grand- 
ure of that peerless instrument. There are many very 
worthjT' protestant people, who feel that it does not suflfiei- 
ently recog-nize the providence of God, and in greatest kind- 
ness wish it was more expressive in that direction: to all 
such we would recall the letter of St. Paul to the Corinth- 
ians wherein he instructs them as follows: For there are 
celestial bodies, and bodies terrestrial, but the glory of the 
celestial is one, and the g'lory of the terrestrial is another. 
\Yhile this was given as having reference to the resurrection 
of the spiritual bodj^ as distinct from the earthy or physical 
body, it is equally pertinent, in as much as the civil govern- 
ment is a complete counterpart of the physicial body, as is 
ecclesiasticism to the spiritual body, the parallel is com- 
plete in all its parts. So we can readily understand why so 
little prominence is given to the spiritual or ecclesiastical, 
from the fact, that the tenement they were building was for 
the earthly and not in any manner connected with the 
spiritual, for each has its separate and distinct g-lory. Tne 
first idea which particularly attracts us, on reading" this 
priceless instrument is its directness, terse in its style, as if 
those old patriot heroes meant business: and we are rather 
inclined to believe they did. "We hold these truths to be 
self evident.'" no chance for argument there: "that all men 
are created equal" — what a thought 1 from men too who had 
lived all their lives under that form of government when 
the mere accident of birth makes of one fish, of the other 
fowl, and were bold and brave enough to utter a truth so 
grand, so just, even in the teeth of the power exercising- 
such vexatious restraint over them. "That they are en- 
dowed with certain unalienable rig-hts: that to secure these 
rights governments are instituted among men ihriviiuj their 
just powers from the consent of the goverened." Here we 
have an unequivical statement, devoid of all ambiguity as to 
the sorce of authority in instituting this g'overnment by the 
patriot heroes of 177G. A sentiment more pregnant with 
possibilities and blessing-s to mankind, or more in sympathy 
with the divine order of nature was never uttered bj' man. 
And yet there are those who say, thafs illusory: such a gov- 
ernment as that is heretical, it has never received the holy 
confirmation of the Pope, and consequently may be destroy- 
ed; may safely be destroyed, and that too without sin to the 



—13— 

destroyer, though thousands upon thousands may be slain. 
See Canon No. 24: '"We do not esteem those homicides, to 
whom it may have happened in their zeal for their mother 
church against the excommunicated to kill some of them."' 
Does it not cause one to feel the blush of shame, that a cul- 
tivated person can be found, any where who entertains a 
thought so monstrous. 

We have now given you something of an idea of the 
theories of government as held by the contending parties. 
The one holding steadfastly to the view that the civil gov- 
ernment is and should be, separate and distinct from the 
ecclesiastical power. That the Public Schools belong to, 
and are a part of the civil government, and are so held by 
the courts all over the land. The other contending that the 
Church shall have a representative in their management, 
and that in matters secular as well as spiritual, she holds 
supremacy. We will now enter into an examinatioji of the 
forces and conditions surrounding the school question, to 
discover how closely these conditions parallel those of the 
extension of slaver3^ First of all. the compromise line of 
1820 was to be destroyed, in order to strengthen the already 
declining institution of slavery- as a power or force in the 
government, as they had become satisfied that it was work- 
ing more to the advantage of the free, than to the slave 
states, although they were freely welcome, as were all oth- 
ers, no matter what their views, or their nationality, to oc- 
cupy the territorj^ North of that line, provided, only, that 
they leave the slave behind, for. to allow them to bring him 
would be to permit a trespass, as well as to become a party 
to the violation of a sacred compact. H dw easy to trace 
this parallel. The compact is in full force on the part of 
our Catholic friends, in the fact that they accept citizenship 
while this compact is in full force and effect, it being the 
organic law of the land; but viewing, with bated breath, 
the powerful aid the Public School is, in nuturing devotion 
to our civil institutions (which they^ utterly detest being 
heretical) they are determined to cross the line. Very well, 
we say come along, as we said to the slave-holders, j^ou, and 
all, of every race and condition are welcome, but you must 
leave your slavery behind: you can't practice that on this 
side the line, you are free to come, but only on condition 
you accept the laws ancl regulations now governing. We 



—13— 

ask no assistance and will tolerate no interference from the 
ecclesiastical side of the line, come from whatever source it 
may. Ag'ain, how can we enter into any compromise what- 
ever, reg-arding- the management of the Public Schools, with- 
out becoming- ourselves a party, to the violation of a sacred 
compact. 

Another thought presents itself, doubtless the reader 
will recall the marauding- bands from Missouri who crossed 
over the line into Kansas while yet a territory, for the pur- 
pose of depredation, interfering with elections, etc.^ Hav- 
ing no business whatever to call them there save their sym- 
pathy for the institution of slavery and its extension. They 
were commonly known as border )'uffians. Are you aware 
that every Catholic militarj^ company admitted into the 
state militia is a border ruffin in disguise. Why should they 
wdsh to enter the service of a state deriving its powers from 
the • -consent of the governed." Is it for a patriotic desire 
to assist in the perpetuation of that which they proclaim 
may safelv be destroyed? But says one. they are sw^orn to 
defend the Constitution of the State and of the United 
States. Yes, and they are sworn to protect the interests of 
"mother church," and the latter is the only oath that has a 
particle of binding- force. For proof of this, we refer you to 
the 29th Canon, w^hich reads "no oath is to be kept toward 
heretics, princes, lords or others." Also the 3c5rd, which 
reads, --in every promissory oath, although absolutely 
taken, there are certain conditions tacitly understood 
amongst which are 1st, if I can; 2nd, to save the right and 
authority of a superior." and the 31st reads, "the Pope can 
absolve from all oaths." With the militia in such hands 
what protection have we? 

The historian informs us that the Ptoman Legions, un- 
der the old Roman Empire, only 2.5 in number, made the 
conquest of the world, and held it for centuries, and that 
during those centuries, it was composed exclusively of Ro- 
mans. And that up to the year B. C. 107, no one was per- 
mitted to serve among the regular troops except those who 
were regarded as possessing a strong personal interest in 
the stability of the Republic. Marius admitted all orders 
of citizens, and after B. C. ST the whole free propulation of 
of Italy was allowed to serve in the regular army, with the 
tests as to loyalty relaxed, discipline less vigorous, the 



-14— 



spirit, which was the soul of the old Leg-ion departed. Is it 
any wonder, the effectiveness of the army decreased? That 
indifference took the place of patriotism. That decline had 
already beg'un. which should ultimately end in absolute 
disolution. Such is our condition to-day. Shall we like 
Marius begin by admitting- certain orders not heretofore 
received, or will we imitate the old Leg-ion, by insisting- up- 
on rig-id tests of loyalty. We have now succeeded, in find- 
ing- a complete parallel in the means and methods used 
to break over the barrier named. 

We will next examine the aims and objects sought. 
That the extension of slavery was soag-ht to prevent the loss 
of her prestige as a political force, is too well established to 
require further arg-ument But why should Rome go to all 
this trouble and run all the risk she is accused of undertak- 
ing-, when at the rate she is increasing- she will shorth' have 
all she covets, through the ballot alone? 

That my friends is the very point we desire to discuse. 
None knows better than Rome herself, that this is a mis- 
taken notion. To be sure she is g-aining- somewhat through 
immigration, but even this is only the transference of 
catholics from one place to another, but as a whole, that she 
is increasing, is a great mistake: and even in this country 
which receives a greater number of immigrants than any 
other country in the world, it is seriouslj^ doubted if she is 
more than holding her own with the Protestant denomina- 
tions. And Rome knows too well why this is so, to a very 
great extent. Those Godless schools, are teaching the 
young, patriotic ideas of government by the people, instead 
of church discipline, and leaving- the idea of g-overnment to 
be fixed by • -mother church." and their young, although 
taught in Parochial Schools are contaminated; false notions 
put into their heads, through communication and inter- 
course with those from the Public Schools and their con- 
templated compromise on the school question is a mere sub- 
terfuge, trusting and believing that the end will be their 
utter destruction, and as was the extension of slavery, its 
sustaining- force, so too is the Parochial School looked up- 
on by its supporters as the sustaining force of Catholicism. 
But what is the picture presented to the view from abroad. 
Under Leo the Great — the founder of the Papacy — the church 
held s\yay over all the territory now occupied by united 



1 



—15— 

Italy. Germany, France and Spain, also the Spanish main. 
And the account she has to render to day for this sacred 
trust is something- like this. The most humiliating of all is, 
that God is a prisoner in the Vatican, (and it is with no 
irreverence to the God of Heaven, we say this, we speak as 
we are assured by the 8th Canon, we may speak.) "That 
the Pontiff was called God by the pious Prince Constantine, 
and that as God he can not be judged by man." Our beloved 
Jesuit Fathers, are expelled from Germany, and the Godless 
Public Schools have taken the place of the Parochial School. 
And even our beloved France is very restless, and trouble 
may be looked for in the near future, and what, oh I what, 
shall we say of our once sunny Italy. Now in heretical 
hands, second only is this, to the humiliating thought of 
our Lord the Pope: held as a common mortal in prison. And 
as we look westward, what a sight meets our gaze. Our 
once humble and obedient Mexico, also in the hands of the 
heretic, with our schools shut out. our property confiscated, 
and those hated Public Schools made compulsory. Not only 
this, but the Republic of Central and South America — the 
Argentine Republic. Chili, Uraguay, Venezufa and Brazil, 
have adopted the same, or what is equally as bad, the non- 
sectarian system, therebj^ cutting off our very food supply, 
for without the Parochial system we caunot thrive, and this 
too by the countries from whom we had expected so much. 
A veritable report would certainlj^ be no less. Can you dis- 
cover now, why they, like the slave Oligarchy, are looking 
for an extended field of operations? It has reached that 
point when something must be done, or their opportunity to 
save their prestige will have forever passed. With the con- 
trol of this powerful country they would not be slow to find 
ways and means to liberate their Lord, and restore to them- 
selves the many small republics in Central and South Amer- 
ica. And why all this, merely that the ecclesiastical may 
prove its supremacy over the civil function. There was a 
time when it took all the physical courage possessed by man 
to even declare that the civil function was not supreme and 
should no longer be obeyed in matters pertaining to the 
church. So to day. matters are reversed and we are cour- 
ageously declairing that the ecclesiastical is not supreme 
save in its own sphere, and we shall no longer obey her be- 
hests in matters pertaining to the civil function. Ambrose, 



—16— 

Arch Bishop of Milan, in the latter part of the 4th century, 
shares the distinction of being- the first to disobey his sover- 
eign, and to declare that in church mattei's the church, not 
the sovereign is supreme. 

Had he gone one step further and declared that in mat- 
ters of state the sovereign and not the church is supreme, he 
would have stated specifically, what is only to be implied in 
the first proposition. But wh^' contend over a matter so 
just and equitable, it appears very much like the rights de- 
clared in our declaration, as being "self evident.'* We nev- 
er think of disputing the equality of the forces of attraction 
and repulsion or of the centrifugal and centripital. 

The equilibrium of these forces remind me of a beauti- 
ful thought regarding our co-ordinate branches of govern- 
ment. Are you aware notwithstanding the claim of our 
Catholic friends that ours is a hei-etical government, that 
we approach, in form, nearer to the fundamental doctrines 
of the Church of Rome, than does she herself? This causes 
lis to feel that Canon Xo. 30 is particularly severe on us, 
which reads -'Heretics are to be deprived of all civil and 
paternal rights." 

We have three co-ordinate branches: The Legislative, 
the Executive and the Judiciary, equal yet each supreme in 
its sphere, all forming one central government, typical of 
the Father, the !Son and the Holy Ghost, even more typical 
in function also, The Legislative is the Law Giver, or the 
Father. The Executive, furnishes a practical example in its 
execution typical of Christ's life on earth: the Judiciary 
analyzes interprets, directs its application, typical of the 
Holy Spirit, who assists us to anal;^e, interpret, and render 
effective. God's laws to our needs and necessities. Aye, 
still more, tj'peiying the crucifixion of the Savior we have it 
in the person of Abraham Lincoln 1 Think you these are re- 
sults of design or mere chance, or are they the practical work- 
ing of laws or principles governing the immaterial, similar 
in their operation to those governing the material universe? 

We have thus far traced with historic faithfulness the 
parallel existing between the controlling element of the 
institution of slavery known as the Slave Olig-archy, and 
that of the controlling- element of the Church of Rome 
known as the Roman Hiararchy: 1st, as to its authority: 
2nd, its objects, motives, aims, and finally the necessity' for 



its encroachment. And we find in each and every act. mo- 
tive, aim, as well as in the distinctive character of the insti- 
tution itself a perfect and complete parallel existing". 

You will remember we dropped the succession of Presi- 
dents as between Pierce in 1853 and Cleveland in 1893. Be- 
fore applying" the conditions existing- from 185"2 to 1860 in 
order to determine what maj^ with certainty be looked for 
from 1893 to 1900, I wish to call your attention to the fact 
that the campaign of 18.")3 was the last Presidential carapaig-n 
the Whig party participated in. Will that of 1893 prove the 
last for the Republican party, her natural successor? per- 
haps, but whether it does or does not, will not materially 
affect our comparison, for it is not in names the potential 
principle evolves, but in policies. While there is one tie 
that binds the Republican party, in other words one link 
that connects her as an organization as a living force in the 
dominant issiie to be fought to a finish in the next two presi- 
dential campaigns, it will be exceedingly well for her to 
make a critical examination, with a view to streng-thening 
her hold upon the people — with reference to the one tie 
which is favorable to that party — i wish to call attention to 
the fact that the Whig party being composed as it was of 
slave holders and .non-slave holders, of pro-slavery and anti- 
slavery sentiments, quite naturully enough had no anti- 
slaverj' plank in the parly's platform. So when the issue 
become fixed in 18.')3 which was to dominate all others, the 
party found itself as an org-anization without conviction. 
The result being a portion in the Southern States affliated 
with the American party. Those of pro-slavery views most- 
ly went with the Democratic, the anti-slavery element 
which constituted a plurality of three mentioned joined 
in the call for the new party which culminated in the form- 
ation of the Republican party. The tie favorable to the 
republican party .-*«idpya«i#iyi«i^retaining her organization is 
the fact of her having one foot firmly planted in favor of 
maintaining the Public Schools, while she ought to pro- 
nounce more emphaticalU^ against the encroachment of 
civil prerogatives by the ecclesiastical element. She must 
understand the Tariff, however valuable as a practical 
policy, must lay off her working robe, and take a rest until 
wanted immediately after 1900. She mu»t also understand 
that she must unhesitatingly take hold of the labor problem 



—18— 

with a view of doing full justice to the labor capitalist, 
without doing- an injustice to the chattel capitalist, while it 
is wanting" in the element to make it a dominant issue at this 
time, it is one that neither party can afford to ignore. 
"Whether justly or unjustly, there is a sentiment abroad, 
which in some indefinable manner, places the g-reater re- 
sponsibility for the unrest existing in the labor element up- 
on the Republican part^^ this may in part be accounted for 
in the fact that the Republican, represents a type of states- 
manship founded by Hamilton, who contended for a more 
centralized power, than did the Jeffersonian School. But 
since the former carried to its utmost limit necessarily be- 
comes arbitrary, tending to rob the individual of his person- 
al freedom, the latter leads from personal freedom to per- 
sonal lisence culminating in anarchy. Society, to be of much 
value to the people as a whole necessarilj' requires of the 
individual member a yielding, to a certain extent of his 
personal desires for the good of others, hence that party 
comes nearest to meeting the general good which advocates a 
policy midway between the extremes named. The greater 
trouble lies to-day. not so much from the encroachments of 
the chattel capitalist, as in the failure, through lack of 
proper organization of the labor capitalist, to set forth his 
claims in a manner to win success. We use the terms chat- 
tel capitalist and labor capitalist for the ptirpose of distinc- 
tion only, for certainly the service of the laborer, is as much 
his stock in trade, or his capital, as are the chattels, which 
constitute the stock in trade of his neig'hbor. and is neces- 
sarily entitled to at least an equal consideration. It must 
be remembered that the judges of our courts do not go out 
to solicit business, they merelj^ hear and decide what is 
brought before them, so that whenever the labor- capitalist 
will present his case in proper form he will g-ladly do his 
duty in the matter. It is unnecea*ai-;^-t*-consume the space 
to prove that there is normally no antag'onism between the 
labor and the chattel capitalist, for without labor, surplus 
capital would have no value as an investment, and without 
such investment, labor coiild not exist. The decisions we 
have recently had, should provoke no criticism, we believe 
them to be within the law, but what a lesson should the 
labor capitalist learn therefrom. To what perfection has 
the law been utilized to enforce the rights of the chattel 



—19— 

capitalist. Now with one accord, let the labor capitalist 
resolve to g-o to work at once to secure the same protection 
for his rights which are more sacred, for not only is his own 
existence affected, but it may be that of a wife and child- 
ren, so that in the scale of justice between the two, down 
weig-ht should be g-iven him. To be more practical we be- 
lieve all who are employed by others below the position of 
general manager (who owing to the relation he sustains to 
his emploj^er, will naturallj' be classified with him) should 
unite in securing the passage of a law by the several legis- 
latures, offering in some manner positive inducements for 
classified org-anization, which should include incorporation, 
to the end that the labor capitalist be put upon an equality, 
before the courts with the chattel capitalist, also requiring an 
agreement between the two, as to price and term, for which 
service is to be rendered, varying to suit the several classes, 
localities, etc. When an agreement can not be reached by 
the representatives of the parties, an appeal to the court 
having jurisdiction, should be taken there to be decided on 
its merits. A division on the line indicaled would include 
two-thirds, if not five sixths of the voting population, and 
such a law ought not to be difficult to secure. Strikes will 
then cease, for -there will be no occasion to resort to them to 
obtain our rights, and the chattel capitalist will be power- 
less to institute a Kill Karney fight, between competing 
laborers. And we would go further, and make it a misde- 
meanor to bid below the prevailing price of labor, on the 
principle, and for the same reason that the court ruled that 
an employe can not chose the time and j)lace he shall term- 
inate his service, — it being ag'ainst the public welfare so to 
do. Herein, then lies the opportunity of a life time, for the 
Eepublican organization. If she seizes it she will be the 
instrument to marshal and direct the patriot host in 1900 
that she was in 1860. ^ 

The status of the Democratic organization becomes much 
less problematical. The conditions present being identical, 
at this time, with those of 18.53. The apologers, and sup- 
porters of the extension of slavery, we may with perfect 
safety expect a similar course regarding the Public School 
question, but already, as then, even before the issue has 
been definitely defined, hundreds are declaring in favor of 
defending the fundamental principles of country their first 



—20— 

duty, that of partisanship being a secondary one. Having 
shown with what astonishing faithfulness the events from 
1S40 to^ 1853 have been parallea by those from 1880 to 1893 
two-thirds of the time, which is to bring' us to the point cor- 
responding with the civil war of 1860, has passed into his- 
tory, and is positively known to be a fact: now. from anal- 
ogy alone, not considering the law or immutable principles 
cU imed in the outset as compelling a fiirther parallel, may 
we not look for its fulfillment, as being extremely probable? 
In 1856 James Buchanan was elected president, 40 years 
from this date brings us to 1896. So my fellow Republicans 
you see your "name is Dennis"' for another four years from 
Mr. Cleveland's retirement. But if yoiir are faithfal: and 
follow the line indicated, you may preserve you anotomy 
and step in, in 1900, as did that old Republican Party with 
Abraham Lincoln at its head. And is it possible that we 
are so soon to have another Buchanan administration? 
Another excecutive, w^ho can find no warrant in the consti- 
tion to save the government from utter destruction, when 
as school children we were taught that "self preservation is 
the first law of nature?"' An executive too, who will allow 
treasonable preparations to go on under his very eye for 
long, long months without one word of protest? But says 
the optomist, we shall have no war. Can you remember as 
can the writer, how very, very distant war appeared to be in 
1853,^ even up to 1858, it was only looked upon as a remote 
possibility by no means probable, not even at the time 
Abraham Lincoln gave voice to those prohetic words in 1858: 
"I believe this Government cannot endure, permanently 
half slave, half free. I do not expect the Union to be dis- 
solved: I do not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it 
will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all 
the other: either the opponents of slavei-y will arrest the 
farther spread of it. and place it where the public mind shall 
rest in the belief that it is in the course of absolute extinc- 
tion, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall be- 
come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, 
north as well as south." Even in this, nothing more than 
peaceful methods are implied. How applicable are the 
words of the great Lincoln to the conditions surrounding us 
to-day. To have our Public Schools half Catholic and half 
non-sectarian, is a condition then, which can not be made 



—31— 

permanent without destroying- the school systein, but to ap- 
ply the expectation of Lincoln, it is not the system which is 
to cease to endure, but it is to become all non-sectarian or 
all Catholic, and when we contemplate the limitless g'ulf 
between the theory of g-overnment held by the Roman Hir- 
arcliy and that j)roclaimed by the declaration of independ- 
ence and the constitution of the Republic, is it too much to 
predict that the final result will show our school institutions 
in much the same shape as before the disturbing- element 
was introduced, with the additional fact that it can never 
ag-ain become a menace, for as a force it has ceased to exist. 
Every thoug-htful reader must have reached the conclusion 
that all ecclesiastical questions which have in any manner 
become dangerous to life and liberty, have had their orig-in 
in the assumption that divine authority has been bestowed 
vipon the one and not upon the other. This sing-le assump- 
tion is the sourca of authority to destroy heretics and heret- 
ical g-overnments. We would ask in all candor, by what 
method you proceed to anal^-ise the hiunan mind to deter- 
mine whence ideas come, and do they reach us as such, or 
does the brain assort and select such as are suited to its par- 
ticular desires; whence spring- our every day thoug-hts which 
have no special relation to moral or religieus questions^. 
Have we now, or lias man ever been in possession of a 
method or system by which he can ascertain to a positive 
certainty that a thoug-ht, for instance has reached him from 
the planet Mars. Another from the planet Jupiter, etc. 
Ag-ain if all our thoug-hts have a -iommon orig-in in divinity, 
how are we to know to a certainty, which are correct and 
which incorrect, for we are all liable to have both. Now 
we submit, that until our Catholic friends can demonstrate 
to a mathematical certainty that they are in possession of 
authority for interfering- with liberty of conscience and the 
policj'- and purposes of secular g-overnments, which protest- 
ants are not, they have no moral right by force, to compel 
submission to even the least of their dog-mas. And on the 
other hand the civil function j)recludes any interference on 
the part of the State with matters of faith, the church hav- 
ing- exclusive jurisdiction. When these distinctions shall 
have become firmly implanted in the hearts of the people, 
then and not until then, will "'a g-overnment of the people, 
for the people and by the people," have been placed upon 
an enduring- basis. 



So we may expect an administration from 1806 to 1900 
as being- one, noted more for its sins of omission than for 
those of commission, one in point of patriotism, far below 
that which we would have the rig-ht to expect from its 
founder Gen'l Andrew Jackson. Nineteen hundred ushers 
in the part^?^ representing- the dominant issue — that absolute 
divorce of the civil and ecclesiastical function is essential to 
the peace and perpetuity of this g-overnment. Th3 results 
of the election, althoug-h constitutional, not being acquies- 
ced In by the ecclesiastical party, war follows. The final 
settlement of that of ISfil being quite magnankinous on the 
part of the victors; that of 1901 will doubtless be equally so. 
Hut with the additional fact that as an institution in this 
republic, Catholicism like slavery will have been eliminated. 

To determine the action of parties and the course of 
measures from 1900 to 1920, this being the latter half of the 
present cycle, refer to the history of the same from 1860 to 
1880 that being the closing' half of the former C3''cle, for the 
latter is simply a repetition of the former. 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



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